The former US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most influential occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. While countless VPs were limited to peripheral or symbolic roles, Cheney held substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in public settings as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive planes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the assaults transformed him, causing him to be focused on revenge. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on faulty intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the correct action to do then. I had faith then and I hold that view now."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, negligence, and recklessness: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had composed a memo outlining situations in which US concerns might be compromised (including "availability of essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be positioned to operate alone when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a conspiracy to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his father's face that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were either insubstantial or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish initiatives to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen leave his domain? It's a effective way to operate, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his commercial relationships accompanied him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation rose from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
